By Andrew Kavanagh
In the run up to recent parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, President Tokayev and his retinue were eager to present a vision of a “New Kazakhstan” to the world; a “just and fair Kazakhstan,” which, according to Tokayev, was “not just about… changing a signboard,” but implementing reforms at a root and branch level. Certainly, aspects of the old guard of President Nazarbayev appear to have lost their grip on power since the attempted coup of 2022, with Deputy Foreign Minister Roman Vassilenko taking the unprecedented step of stating that there’s a “big drive to remove the oligopolies and take away through legal means what has been accumulated by wealthy individuals in the past… [To] prosecute individuals,including previously very highly connected relatives of first president.”
With the results of the March elections giving the ruling Amanat Party 53.9% – a much-reduced majority – change appears to be afoot, albeit gradually. In a remarkable turn of events, open critics of the government, such as lawyer Azbal Kuspanov, and opposition politician and journalist Ermurat Bapi won their races, whilst in a statement , the OSCE noted the election had offered an “increased choice for voters.” However, the new government comprises certain figures who give pause for thought, and key among those is Acting Deputy Prime Minister , Altai Kulginov.
Who is Altai Kulginov?
Born on January 15 th 1978. Kulginov graduated from the International Kazakh-Turkish University, the Academy of Public Administration, and the University of Aberdeen. A career politician, Kulginov has held many positions , including at the Ministry of Justice, the Civil Service Agency, and the Prosecutor General's Office. From 2013 to 2016, he was the Akim (Mayor) of Uralsk, from 2016 to 2019 he headed the West Kazakhstan Province, and from 2019 to 2022 he served as Mayor of Astana, a tenure which left a bad taste in the mouths of many.
How is Kulginov’s tenure as the Mayor of Astana remembered?
According to Askhat Niyazov, a journalist who interviewed Kulginov, he will always be remembered as a “scandalous akim” for many reasons, such as Lake Taldykol in Astana drying up due to a construction project. “No matter what he promised,” Niyazov noted,“despite the dissatisfaction of the residents, construction in that area continues.” Then, there is Kulginov’s part in the unfinished LRT project, which has left the capital with a plethora of abandoned concrete struts, but no sky train, and, in the words of the president, bears the “ strong whiff of corruption .” When asked directly about his role in the LRT scandal, in the words of Niyazov , Kulginov “skillfully evaded answering.”
From materials in the public domain, it would appear these instances represent the tip of the iceberg. The first major scandal during Kulginov’s tenure as Mayor of Astana took place in May 2020, when investigative reporter Mikhail Kozachkov found him to be at epicenter of the purchase a building for the Anti-Corruption Agency for roughly U$7.3 million dollars,when the average market value was U$2.2 million. Activist and oppositionist, Zhanbolat Mamai subsequently alleged that Kulginov and his accomplices had stolen approximately U$4.4 million dollars.
In 2021, Kozachkov took issue with another project promoted by Kulginov, this time to build four schools through a public-private partnership at an “unrealistic” price. “The schools were valued at 31 billion tenge (roughly $68 million) by Aidyn Rakhimbaev (the head of the construction company) and associates,” Kozachkov wrote, which is more than 7.5 billion ($16.6 million) per school, whilst a school has a market value of 1.5-2 billion ($4.4 million).”
Noting that the final amount would be reimbursed from the local budget and by the Ministry of Education, Kozachkov stated that although both Kulginov and the Minister of Education would have left their jobs before the project was completed, “both state bodies will have to fulfill their obligations. We will pay for them.”
The situation took a dramatic turn in December 2022, when Kozachkov was himself taken into custody, with supporters arguing the case against him had been fabricated in retaliation for his articles and posts on his Telegram channel .With public pressure mounting, in February 2023 Kozachkov was transferred to house arrest.
Another activist, Tokbergen Abiyev, has also released several reports exposing Kulginov,including the 2022 purchase of the former Central Department Store for its seventeen subordinate organizations, despite its being unfit for the announced purposes. Without undertaking any public procurement process or collecting price proposals, approximately U$21 million dollars was paid, despite the fact that similar buildings, according to Abiyev ,could be purchased or built from scratch for around U$7 million dollars.
How does Kulginov promote a positive image of himself?
Notwithstanding the negativity surrounding him, Kulginov has not only managed to maintain his position, but received a promotion when he became Deputy Prime Minister in December 2022. A wily operator, Kulginov has managed his image with care. According to Kozachkov,in May 2020 the akimat of Astana allocated significant funds to promote its image. “Officers with no shame pay for the services of ‘armchair’ warriors from budget funds,” Kozachkov stated , ensuring that the “correct” comments appeared on social networks for what, in the language of government agencies, is called the “effective promotion of a positive image and reputation in the media.” Following a public outcry, the allocation of these funds was suspended.
In the wake of this exposure, Mamai , who has himself been jailed on many occasions for his reporting, drew attention to how under the leadership of Kulginov, the akimat of Astana had distributed a multimillion-dollar fund for “state information work” through a company called Elorda Aqparat. The director of this company, which, according to Mamai “used troll factories and bots” to issue glowing endorsements, just so happened to be the wife of Zharkyn Zhumadilov, Kulginov’s former adviser and press secretary.
As for Kulginov’s tenure as the head of West Kazakhstan, there are numerous cases ofbloggers and activists being subjected to repression at the hands of law enforcement agencies.At the time, scandals such as Kulginov's expensive trips abroad to Formula 1 races, etc. at the public’s expense were widely covered by the media, but now it’s almost impossible to find any material critical of Kulginov’s time in office. There are screenshots from investigations into corruption, but the internet has long since been scrubbed and publications forced to withdraw such articles. Still, there have been a steady stream of stories regarding Kulginov suse of hybrid tools to maintain his image.
A “Just and Fair Kazakhstan”?
Kulginov’s name has consistently appeared in relation to scandals in the construction industry and in association with the purchase of various buildings at inflated prices. There is also evidence of campaigns to suppress dissent and clean up any criticism directed towards him through various means. Questions therefore arise as to who is behind Kulginov, and how a representative of the “Old Kazakhstan” migrated so seamlessly into the “New Kazakhstan”?Certainly, one has to ask what Kulginov’s inclusion in the new elite means for the prospect of what President Tokayev.
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